NPR
pulled back the
curtain yesterday on
OIRA, the backwater office of regulatory affairs that holds an effective veto
over any regulations promulgated by the Administration. The report found that
throughout the Obama Administration, the office has altered more regulations
coming to them from federal agencies than the Bush Administration ever did.
There are a few reasons for this. One, the Bush Administration
put anti-regulatory types at all the regulatory agencies and they simply didn’t
send over a lot of regulations to OIRA. So it didn’t have to act as an
enforcer, per se. Another reason is that Cass Sunstein is running the office.
And he has a very specific worldview when it comes to regulations that cuts
against what the federal agencies are trying to do. But the main reason is that
OIRA is simply built to be a regulation-killer.
While the rest of the
public might not know about OIRA, lobbyists have the office on speed dial.
Industry groups visit OIRA largely for one purpose: to reduce regulation.
Steinzor’s analysis found that industry representatives outnumber public health
and safety advocates by almost 4 to 1 at OIRA meetings.
Jim Tozzi helped
create OIRA and worked on regulations under five presidents. He says the tilt
toward industry is to be expected.
Regulations, he says,
“increase the cost of industry. So they have more direct skin in the game.” In
contrast, he says, environmental groups’ members “don’t have skin in the game,
because they just say ‘they’ll cough their lungs out’ or something like that.”
I’m staggering from that comment, but let’s get to the data. The
Center for Progressive Reform studied the records of 1,080 OIRA meetings over
two Administrations. They found that OIRA changed 84% of all environmental
regulations, and 65% of others, under the Obama Administration. This is an
increase over the Bush Administration.
I suppose that when you have an office whose purpose is to check
the work of the regulatory agencies, to justify their job they’re going to
manage to come up with some changes. But there’s no question that a lot of
politics are being played. The fact that Sunstein is a good buddy of
the President’s from the University of Chicago days, and that he took this
low-profile job to test his theories of behavioral economics on profit-seeking
corporations, is a dead giveaway. Grist has the full findings of the CPR
report:
Industry dominates the
OIRA meetings process. OIRA makes no effort to balance its meeting schedule by
hearing from even a rough equivalence of organizations supporting protective
regulations. In only 16 percent of reviews involving meetings did OIRA meet
with organizations from across the spectrum of interested groups, while in 73
percent OIRA met only with industry representatives. These meetings come on top
of an already exhaustive public process run by the agencies themselves,
involving numerous meetings before a rule proposal is even crafted, multiple
rounds of public comments that give a wide range of interest groups the
opportunity to file thousands of pages of advice, public hearings across the
country, thousands of hours of staff work invested in reviewing the comments
and either accepting or rebutting the information they contain, and — last but
not least — court review for many major rules [...]
OIRA routinely misses
deadlines, stalling public health and safety protections. By executive order,
OIRA has 90 days to review a rule, plus a possible 30-day extension. Of the 501
completed reviews in which outside parties lobbied OIRA, 59 (12 percent) lasted
longer than 120 days and 22 extended beyond 180 days (about six months).
OIRA ignores public
disclosure requirements. OIRA is required by executive order to make available
“all documents exchanged between OIRA and the agency during the review by
OIRA,” and agencies are required to “identify for the public those changes in
the regulatory action that were made at the suggestion or recommendation of
OIRA.” OIRA never follows those requirements, and the agencies — with the
notable exception of the EPA in limited circumstances — don’t either.
The upshot of this is that regulatory policymaking has become
centralized in the White House. Obama has appointed some decent regulators at
the various agencies, but all of their work gets funneled through Cass
Sunstein. The regulators are just trying to make do with too-small budgets to
fulfill their responsibilities. They also have to constantly look over their
shoulders to see how Cass Sunstein is kneecapping their recommendations. And
the real-world effects of all this are huge.